The Conservative Party — which, barring an electoral surprise that would make the election of Donald Trump look pedestrian, will form the next UK administration — has published its manifesto. What does it reveal about the constitutional aspects of the party’s programme for government?
A pre-publication version of my Cambridge Law Journal article on decision of the Supreme Court in Miller is now available. In it, I argue that the majority’s judgment does not withstand critical scrutiny.
By Mark Elliott and Stephen Tierney
By Mark Elliott and Stephen Tierney The House of Lords Constitution Committee today publishes its report on the Wales Bill. The history of the Bill is a somewhat chequered one, a Draft Bill published in October 2015 having been subjected to excoriating criticism by (among others) the Assembly’s Legislative and Constitutional Affairs Committee. The centrepiece
The current system of devolution in the UK was introduced by the Blair Government in the late 1990s. It involved the creation of new legislative and executive institutions in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, and the conferral upon them of law-making and administrative powers. A key purpose of devolution is to enable parts of the
On The Sunday Politics Scotland today, the First Minister of Scotland, Nicola Sturgeon, raised the prospect of Scotland placing an obstacle in the path of Brexit, saying: “If the Scottish parliament is judging this on the basis of what’s right for Scotland, then the option of saying we’re not going to vote for something that’s against
By Mark Elliott and Stephen Tierney The House of Lords Constitution Committee today publishes its report on The Union and Devolution. This post draws attention to some of its main findings. The Constitution Committee’s report on The Union and Devolution, published today, declares the Union to be “under threat”, and recommends that the United Kingdom
Theresa May argues that the UK should remain in the EU but withdraw from the ECHR. Her thinking may be politically comprehensible, but does it stack up in legal or constitutional terms?
I have written in previous posts about the Scotland Bill and, in particular, the possible constitutional implications—including for the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty—of clauses 1 and 2 of the Bill, which respectively concern the ‘permanence’ of the Scottish Parliament and Government and the Sewel Convention. As noted in a previous post, the House of Lords
The House of Lords Constitution Committee has issued its report on the Scotland Bill. I have written before on this blog about the Draft Clauses of the Scotland Bill that were published earlier this year, drawing particular attention to Draft Clauses 1 and 2 concerning the ‘permanence’ of the Scottish Parliament and the recognition in